Orbán Gáspár csádi missziója, tömeges leszerelés, morális mélypont – interjú Pálinkás Szilveszterrel

There were many objections about the Home Aide Minister. Can you speak well of his four years? He said that this institution was close to the right place, but it was not.

I can't say that I'm ashamed of the decisions he made.

That's a serious objection.

That's a serious assumption. Yes, it is. And I would like to add that I don't think that the Hungarian Defence Ministry or the Hungarian Ministry of Defence had such a bad minister. It will be difficult to say, but I think that there are so many requests for detainees and so many soldiers that the Hungarian Home Guard and the National Defense will exist until the war is over. As soon as they realize this,

they will always love him, and our defense capability will approach zero.

The military leadership, or the Home Guard Minister, how much of a good hearted supporter of the Csádi mission.

I think that the leadership of the Ministry of Home Defence, and the leadership of the Minister, or the Military, or the Chief of Staff, that I think they are not necessarily happy that Orbán Gáspár is now a member of the Hungarian Home Defence. From several perspectives.

Because he has already moved in circles and levels where he has actually posed a threat to them, to their integrity.

Who knows what Orban Gasper will say on Sunday breakfast. 33-year-old Pálinkás Sylvester joined the Hungarian Armed Forces in 2017. He served as a sniper and a special operations soldier at the SZOLNOK, then he graduated from the prestigious British Royal Military Academy, where he was also the son of Prime Minister Orván Gáspár. Later, he was trained as a military investigator in the United States, and then became a military expert in the State of the Ministry of Home Defence, where the direct commander was Minister of Home Def was the face of the Hungarian Defence, the National Army Campaign, and was featured in numerous promotional videos

in the military-themed series of the Ministry of Defence and TV2 where he helped with the filming as a military expert. He later took part as an actor and an expert in the production of the film called The Dragon's Claw,

which was the result of the 2021 Afghan military rescue operation called Shaman Paj in 2021. Last summer, we wrote on Telex that he had issued a request for a download because he did not agree with one of the leaders of the Home Defense Ministry and could not identify the organization whose face he was.

However, they did not allow the download due to the war situation. After the article was published, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs published a statement, which stated that Gábor Böröndi, the commander-in-chief, had placed Palinkás in a Tata-level training centre, entrusted him with an important task and that he could be deported after a joint agreement. After the order was issued, the production of the dragon's head did not look for another Palinkás, they did not invite him to the presentation, new military experts were introduced to the public, and his name was not even on the list of military experts.

In the next interview with Pálinka Silvester, you can see his Hungarian defense situation. This is a pretty serious conversation, not an ordinary interview.

Why did you feel it was important that he accept our request and speak up in public? I could put it in a simple way, that in a war-threatening situation, I think every citizen has the right to a real picture of the situation in the context of the Hungarian Homelessness Act. Especially if we add that we are actually keeping the national security up to the taxpayers' money.

We will talk about this situation, but the context of the interview is not enough to explain whether you had to go through some official or civil process to get permission or what it looks like for you.

Actually, yes. I am making my opinion public in the media. I should have already reported the fact of my search, according to the civil code. I didn't do that. I didn't even announce that I was here.

I broke the civil code, which will be a gradual, and a bit of a brutal execution. And what consequences do you the consequences will be? I think it depends on the content of the interview. It's hard to judge. I think they will cancel the service.

When did you decide that you will be in public?

This is a difficult question. I submitted my application in June or July 2025. I thought that I would be able to leave the Home Defense Committee. I didn't know how to do that. I tried to rebuild what I had lost over the months. I didn't succeed with the system. I think that in the last four weeks I've been able to express what I wanted to say.

Most of the viewers who are watching this interview will probably remember that there have been several public figures who have spoken out in public. who was a person who spoke to the police, the police investigator Bence Szabó, and Zsolt Laponyi, that you were close to his confession.

I soon had the intention to come here and I started to prepare consciously. I was surprised, by the way. I consider them absolute heroes. I think, and if I could tell Bence Szabó, I would tell him that we do not leave anyone behind.

A police officer in hand to hand, a heart, one kick. I would like to jump back in time a little bit, to the beginning of your career. You joined the Hungarian Defence Forces in 2017. Why did you become a soldier?

In 2017 I was significantly younger, but I became a challenge. I was a military sports doctor, I wanted to be a physical challenge, I wanted to be wanted a new area that I hadn't been to before. I applied to the Hungarian Home Defense in 2017,

and I got a job at the Special Forces in Dundar. After that, I took part in the training of the assault rifle, I did a few trainings in the NATO Special Forces Headquarters in Belgium.

When you were determined to enter the military, what was it that attracted you to this profession? I don't know if it's a profession or a more serious commitment.

I think it's an obligation. I think every soldier has a different way of thinking, but the right spiritual dedication is that I see it as an obligation, because in my vow I say that I will protect you at the cost of my life. And I took this vow very seriously.

You became the face of the Hungarian Defense Corps campaign in 2023. On the one hand, how did you feel emotionally that you could appear in front of this organization and be identified with you in public?

I saw it as a challenge. On the one hand, I was afraid of it. and you can appear in public and you are identified.

I saw it as a challenge. On the one hand, I was afraid of it. We had not met before in the Hungarian Home Guard. We did not recruit a soldier who we said was the face of the Home Guard, who represents us both physically, mentally and spiritually. I saw it as a challenge. I tried to meet the military ethos, which, by the way,

or I would say, the moral compass that is in every soldier's I want to live up to this. I want to live up to the image we have of the civil society, and the image we have of the soldiers. I don't want the difference between the two to be huge.

How did you look at the process when you were called to be the head of the Home Defense?

I was working on the phone, it was a full weekday, let's say, in the service. The phone rang in my office, the head of the Ministry of Press called me and asked me to appear the next day at the Home Defense Minister, Christoph Bobromnicki. I didn't know what it was about. By the way, my state-related superiors didn't know why I had to go there. I went there the next day.

First, the UNBID accepted me as a commander, then I went to the Minister. The military leadership at the time strongly convinced me that if the Minister asked for anything and I said no, then my military career would be over. So that's how I joined the minister.

How did you feel about this?

They almost put it like I said. They basically told me that I couldn't continue my studies abroad, I couldn't go abroad. In fact, you stopped your career in one class. That's pretty much how it looked. The minister outlined the plan, what he would like to achieve under his belt,

how many soldiers he would like to serve in the Hungarian Armed Forces. He needs a large-scale campaign of troops. He asked me to be the face of the Hungarian Armed Forces campaign.

It's very exciting and interesting to hear that this can seem like a good thing and a respect of showing respect, and why we should use these methods, while at the same time putting a mental pressure on someone who I want to invite to a joint work.

I think there is a kind of bad habit in homosexuality, which I hope will not exist in the future. And that is that we always say that everything is in order. And we try to communicate to the decision-maker that, as a commander and the state working under me, thinks the same way.

Everything is in order here, Mr. Minister. The soldier chosen by you does what you want. And I think I try to communicate that's what every senior leader is trying to convey to the minister, even if it's not realistic.

You became the face of the campaign in 2023, and in 2025 you submitted your resignation request. You were satisfied with the TELEX because you didn't agree with the leadership of the Ministry of Home Affairs, and you could not identify with the organization you had become the face of. What did this mean, specifically?

The fact that I submitted my resignation request, and let's put it this way, my honest confession, it was a long process to become a honest believer. I think it had a great impact on... How should I put this... The decisions of the minister, the changes in the system, made me give up my request for a confession. I had to leave my duty of disarmament.

Because on the one hand, I had to convey a picture of the Hungarian army, which was absolutely not realistic, that everything is fine here, everything is fine, come and join the army, this is the future and the career. And in the meantime, I saw my fellow soldiers, with whom I served together before this mission, how much they suffered and were handed they are forced to give up their love.

I felt this kind of contradiction in myself, that my best comrades want to fall in love with me, because they are hostile to me, because I communicate that everything is fine,

while their military fate is getting worse day by day. It's interesting that you felt the responsibility because in public it's not the same picture and they invite people to the Home Defense and then it turns out that it's not the same as you show on the pictures.

Absolutely. I think that the camp of the camp was divided into different phases. It was strongly felt that the task of the minister was to take over. I think the minister didn't ask for anything else, he just set a certain number on the table, I would like to have this many soldiers. And this was the purpose of the campaign. At the beginning of the campaign we created social media content for the camp. These were short videos, in the form of military messages,

to raise interest, to show our army, how much we had developed in the past. The problem was that the press division of the ministerial cabinet did not have the military knowledge to make jokes about us. And I often felt that in these videos,

due to professional deficiencies, the most beautiful job will be the most beautiful job humor topic. Both from the military side, So, the best job will be a comedy. Both from the military and from the civilians. If we compare our campaign to the US Army,

we can see that there is a huge difference. And how much of these professional excuses and criticisms

could you point out, correct, or put in a constructive direction?

I think that there were times when I managed to realize my desire and bring in professionalism, and there were times when I didn't. And it's very difficult to work with social media professionals whose success is realized and seen in the public eye. It is difficult to explain to him that the point is not the achievement,

but the message, and this was a big problem. This request for the evacuation was rejected, and the Ministry of Defense reacted after the publication of the Augustus article last year that the not-so-recently-deployed Pálinka Silvester was the honorary soldier of the Defense Department, whose highest education and valuable foreign for his valuable foreign studies.

That is why he especially considered the war situation. He appointed Pálinkás Százados, the head of the Hungarian Army, as the head of the Hungarian Army in the rank of a military engineer

and entrusted him with an important task, which he could complete and then sign a joint agreement with the Hungarian Army. Let's start there, can you tell us which can be collected by a joint agreement after the completion of the task. Let's start with the fact that you can tell us what the important task is that you were entrusted with.

I'm still looking for this important task to this day. Maybe the head of the board is still thinking about it or doesn't understand the task order. No special task came to me, by the way. This was just a message to the press or the media.

So you didn't get any special task?

I didn't receive any special task. A completely general distribution. Those who are a bit experienced in the military, can see in the video I'm showing, what the military background is, that I'm a scout. And I am a scout and I was assigned to a military training,

with an armored bandit. So this field is nothing to me. It's really a calculation, it's a kind of punishment. In fact, they didn't let me go back to the soldiers. They didn't let me down, and they didn't let me go back to the soldiers, to which I am capable,, and my mother's case,

where, from a professional point of view, and from the point of view of national defense, the Hungarian Home Security would have benefited the most from that division. And I would have been able to show my ability in a completely different division, which I don't even understand. Did you get any in-depth information about the duration of this special mission,

which you didn't know what exactly, but when the moment would come when you would be deployed?

No, I didn't receive anything. Actually, if we start with this, then no. But I actually belonged to the cabinet of the minister. My direct boss, Margita Becht-Báta, was the cabinet chairwoman. I gave her my answer request as my direct boss. Obviously, she was the one who informed the Prime Minister.

And the first reaction, I sent it in on Friday afternoon. I actually received an email as a reaction. I'm not going to go into details about the email, but the next day I didn't have to go to work. The day after that I was told to go to the office of the cabinet secretary, and I did. I was told that I was a traitor.

The one above you?

Yes, the Chief of Staff. I was told that I was a traitor, and what I think about myself, the Minister of Home Affairs can't lose his face until the elections. So I was transferred to the state of possession, they give me the rank of commander of the Böröni Gábor,

that I serve and teach the subordinates. And by the way, I dare not say that they did not give me a military career, because I walked next to the minister. This is how it sounded, I think. Which is interesting, because if this is in the minds of politicians,

that military career, that you walk around with a minister, then I think that's enough message for every soldier, how the system handles them.

By the way, when you heard this sentence, what did you think?

I was glad I gave my first try. That's what I thought.

Within the organization, the fact that parking lots are put on the spot and you can't act on the spot where you could provide the best service, can you somehow

indicate that hello, I wouldn't be here but my grandson?

Well, let me turn back to the cabinet chief for a moment. Obviously, after my arrest, I also spoke to the minister, Minister Szalai Bobramdics, who took my request for arrest as a political decision. Which is interesting to me because I am an average 100-year-old, I cannot be politically correct. Then I was told that I am Peter Magyar and Romulus Huszincsanyi,

and that I made a bad decision on a strategic level to choose the side. They were not allowed to return to Slovakia because within the Hungarian Defence Force they also impose certain points that are, let's say, inappropriate for Ruszin-Szendi, Romulus. I think this is absolute nonsense. So, soldiers do not even politicize. They do not stand by any side.

I think, while serving, it's a matter of which side they choose in their private life. So, with the aim of speaking for the special purpose of a clean island, or a Rosin Sandy Romulus island, I think this is extremely offensive. By the way, what is it called? It's in its name, or rather not. Actually, the special arts dandar. They are called special because if we take this example,

which we use in many places, that is the Lanzsa mountain. There are the best equipped and the best trained soldiers. I would like to note here that in the context of the Hungarian Armed Forces,

the Hungarian special arts bander is well equipped compared to other units. But in the context of NATO, I think we are at the end of the line. The ministry uses the pictures of the soldiers, because they are extremely attractive, extremely sexy, as the soldiers say. But in many cases, these soldiers buy the equipment for themselves. I think it's humiliating. So if they want to advance professionally above a certain level,

then they have to make sure that they buy their own equipment. My own equipment costs 1.5 million forints, starting from the helmets, through the shoulders, and I also have my own optics for the weapons. Because above a certain level, I wouldn't provide the maximum of the given task with the tools and the system that the Hungarian Home Security can provide.

This is my strength, and this is also mine.

If this political style has already been mentioned, which the Minister himself has talking about, how was it for you to be a political role model for Romulus? What was your opinion on his optics or his acceptance of the Hungarian defense?

I think that the Hungarian defense minister was pushed out of the balance

by Romulus and he was completely out of his mind. The Home Minister was disowned by the United States.

And he was completely blinded. He saw his followers everywhere, he wanted to write them everywhere, and at all costs, he wanted to withdraw all existing regulations, possibly going back five years, everything he could.

Which raised questions in people. I think that there is a professional requirement for the part. Because in fact, if a minister, before he took on this ministerial position, had no professional training, no military experience. And now I would like to refer to America again, I studied there for almost a year. Let's see what kind of defense or defense minister did the Trump administration elect.

Pete Hexett, military experience, he has at least 4-5 missions in Iraq and Afghanistan. So it seems that this is a ministerial position where you cannot put someone in who has no military experience. Or even an idea about the army. Because in reality, even if you put good military advisors as a Minister of Home Defence if you understand the question you have to decide on. And I think this is a cardinal thing.

Can you give us an example or a concrete memory of how you saw or looked for the people of the Russian-Soviet Romulus? How was this made clear or what did you see or find out how it was made clear? Or what did you see?

I remember he asked me a question when I submitted my request for resignation, and he was still asking me what the difference was between a minister of Home Affairs, who was a chief of staff before them, and what difference it makes between him and a businessman. I simply answered that anyone with military experience will understand and be able to manage an organized organization. I see this as a clear advantage. I don't see the advantage of someone sitting in a Ministry of Home Defense as a businessman with business connections.

There is simply no basis in reality. It is not substantiating anything.

And what did he say about this?

He accepted it.

He approved it and then we said goodbye to each other. I think I didn't follow every single element of that character assassination of Rosin Sandy, Romulus Allen, which we could see in the media, but it's certain that the majority of the soldiers are not in that position. We knew him as a chief of staff.

So they didn't understand anything the government was doing in public.

Absolutely. And in fact, he was able to defend himself, because he wasn't able to prove any of his charges against him.

You said that this is the so-called ambassador of the island of Tisza, or that he was a loudmouth, and that he was looking for such respectable people. Of course, you have to ask this point in the interview, because you will probably be attacked and criticized for this in the future. Do you have any respectable connections, whether emotionally or more concretely? No, no.

And I consider myself to be a soldier, not isn't. I think that a soldier shouldn't politicize, and I also think that a minister shouldn't interfere in the life of a soldier and shouldn't judge them based on their political views.

I think this is worked under the Ministry of Home Defence, under the direct command of Bobrov, Nitzki and Kristóf Szalai. You have already told us how this meeting happened, and how you got there, but what do you remember about your work with them, or how much of a co-operation you had?

I worked as a professional, so I think that I sat at the table where the most important decisions are born. I really think that

I think that the easiest way to judge or to assess whether it is suitable for the distribution and filling in is to look at him as the first person of national defense. I think that we have to analyze and see this past four years. And then, if you allow me, I would go back to 2023. January 17, 2023.

That was the period of youth, when the Home Minister actually called the executive commanders and the senior military leaders to a year-long meeting in Bálna. and invited them to the annual meeting.

This was interesting because they didn't tell the state why they were going there.

What happened was that the Minister of Home Defence opened the year, gave the envelope to Ruszin Sándy Romulus, and gave him the task of announcing the names of those who would be expelled from the Hungarian Home Ministry. This is interesting because the Home Minister left the event and left the dirty work to Roszlin Sándy Romuls. And I'm confronted with the question, that such a responsible Minister of Defence should take responsibility for good decisions, and look for criminals for bad decisions. And I think that for a young officer like me,

and for my other young officers, this honorable reputation is not enough. Because we learn and try to communicate to our our soldiers that we are taking responsibility. We are responsible for everything we do, whether it is a message to civil society. We need to know that there is a dangerous situation since 2019. What it means is that the soldiers cannot be disarmed and cannot leave,

so to speak, military service cannot escape the Hungarian Home Security. What results in this, and this is also reflected in the fact that there is no pension, which means that, unlike other NATO member states, there is no pension after 20 years of service, 25 years of service, you have to work until the age of 65. So, in fact, the distribution system the goods is actually increasing.

A solution was needed for this, and it was the 8 per 2023 government order, which allowed us to take people out to the streets without actually starting. This was important because if we took that the divisions were going up, we could solve it by saying that we needed to prove that this leader is not suitable for the division, or we made a similar strong division for the same purpose, but we took out the responsible division because it was not suitable, or we made it go up. This is the other option.

But this way we were able to avoid those people. In fact, the Minister of Home Defence did with his young body, that he was able to get rid of the people in the key leadership positions. I think that they were the last

generation of leaders, thousands of them, and the camp leaders, who still had a standing opinion, a standing way of thinking, and did not fall for any orders from above. Now, after the youth, a new type of leadership selection model emerged, the selection of the commander. This means that in the positions of the military commander, there was no longer a criterion that someone was simply working,

so professional competence, simplifying loyalty was the most important. So actually, in 2023, youth really prepared the ground for the plan, which would later be implemented by the Home Medicine Minister. So no order will stand in my way,

because everyone is loyal to me, and I have sent them to the right numbers.

You said that in the trial of his competencies, we have to look at what heencies in the last four years. You mentioned youth, which you said served a purpose. What do you think is worth considering for the overall assessment?

I think we have to go further in time to see what were the shortcomings and what decisions were made, and what systemic problems arose within the Hungarian Home Defense. We have now reached the point in 2026 that there has never been a deeper moral point in the history of the Hungarian Home Defense.

And there has never been a more severe demand for disarmament.

We have to remind you that in 2024, the new government order on the protection of the Home Defense was repealed. Here, the soldiers actually broke the salary of the superiors. Which was a huge problem. There are many professionals in the Hungarian Home Security, who work on weekends, who have so much overtime that they had no other choice. This was a form of overtime compensation for their salaries.

In some cases, this went so far that this one action, that we do not pay the toll, but it could have meant 150-200 thousand forints for some soldiers, if there was a fine. I'm talking about the police, I can talk about the police officers, I can talk about the leaders of various military aircraft.

So this was a difficult case. What I would highlight here is that the next step is to break the booms. There were a lot of military booms that built on our basic identity. It broke these too. I would like to point out the most painful practical booms, but in any case, every field had its own. For example, if a soldier goes out to the camp for two weeks,

to dig and dig in the bush, and he gets 10,000 forints a day, so he goes out for two weeks, then he loses 140,000 forints. This government order was taken away from the soldiers and didn't give them anything.

And how did the soldiers accept this?

They accepted it very badly. Obviously I worked in the cabinet and not in the real end-of-the-world states. But I got used to it when I heard about the conditions inside the army. Meanwhile, I'm showing the camera that everything is fine here and come join the soldiers.

And could you report these to the minister? These hangars?

I think the information reached the minister after the channel was uploaded. What does that mean? I think the information reached the Minister on the appropriate channel.

What do you mean?

The information reached the Minister on the appropriate channel. But I don't think it was in the form it should have been. Not on that level.

How could they report it?

I think that the head of the leadership may have the current situation and the reality, that the situation is not so bad. On the surface, we always mean that everything is fine. Because otherwise our company is in danger. This is a very important thing. So maybe he didn't get that realistic picture of how deep this moral depth is.

Let's say, in this, how can I think, and I think it's fair to say, that if such significant compensation is taken away from a person, he won't be happy. I think that the minister is a reasonable person.

I can say the same about myself. Regardless of this, they still built on these

and destroyed freedom, like the service-safe and service-safe And regardless of that, they still imposed the freedom, like the number of unemployed people decreased. The other important thing is that it introduced the life of the class. Which may have a positive effect on profit profit of the company that is operating, because people can bring home more money based on a measurable performance,

but this is not the case anywhere in the world. If I am a soldier serving in X division, then I am established that this is the bottom line I get, and this is the top line, and the state's decision on how much I get. Which is absolutely unmeasurable. So, based on what I pay for logistics, for the intelligence, for the fire,

it's an absolutely unequal system. It also gives too much power to the hands of the constituted authorities. Because then the soldier doesn't feel that his salary comes from the Ministry of Home Defense, but from the established authorities, who actually serve him because he spends his money. And there is a risk that small kingdoms are formed within the Home Defense, heads of state, which I think is absolutely harmful from a leadership point of view.

You mentioned the request for a surrender, how much can you calculate that? You said that there was never this much.

It will be difficult to say now, but I think that there are so many requests for surrender and so many soldiers who are well-tra soldier that the Hungarian Armed Forces and the National Defense exist until the war is at its peak. As soon as they realize this, they will always be disarmed, and our defense capabilities will approach zero.

What do you think the numbers mean?

I don't want to say numbers in this regard. But that's... Yes, a significant amount. Not the soldiers who will be serving in the army, or the military personnel, or the military support, but the soldiers who are serving in the military.

I assume that if you see this in this form, then I think that this can be clarified that the leadership of the Hungarian Defence Force can be more clear about this, that there is a connection here, and if the danger is eliminated, the number of casualties can cause serious problems.

I think that the leadership of the Hungarian Defence Force is always under the leadership of the Chief of Staff, Gábor Büröndi. I think that the way the Chief of Staff of the Hungarian Defence Force, the head of the Hungarian Defence Force, I think there are two types of head of the Defence Force. The head of the Defence Force, Strik, I think is the biggest challenge. There are two types of life of the soldiers. This can be prevented, altered, changed, in order to protect the Hungarian homeland

from a political point of view that would absolutely destroy our defense capabilities, but this is what risks its inclusion. And there is the other kind of leader, who absolutely overthrows the political leadership and puts an end to everything that comes his way, be it any kind trying to destroy the Hungarian military system, but it is keeping its balance.

These are the two. Now we can think about which of the two is led by Börnöndi Gábor, and the other two, which are left out, which are led by Ruszin Szentdiromus or Colonel Korovald.

Before the elections, the government distributed the money for the elections, the government distributed the money for the arms, or rather, it gave it to the armed organizations and workers. What do you think of the judgment you saw in the Home Defense?

This was not at all as positive as it was four years ago. As I said, after the HLK, after the new government, we took a lot from them. Now, they got back what they took. There was nothing more. And I think there was no positive contribution to this, precisely because of the military morality. Do you have any interpretation within the army that this is a political intention and that they changed the picture created by the current Home Minister,

this money for weapons is not enough, and it was too late.

And what is this picture like?

What the soldiers really think about the Home Minister is that he simply doesn't deserve it.

And I think they trust the change. Zsolt Laponyi recently announced to the police that he thinks that 90% of the police will not support Fidesz in the election. We can't go into specific numbers, but if you want, you can tell me what you think about the current government.

I think 90% of the votes are from real people or from people with disabilities.

How much do the soldiers politicize each other?

I think the election is closer to the election. I don't think there is a political dispute among the soldiers, because it is not possible. I would like to emphasize that it is not possible to politicize in service time, according to the regulations. Obviously, I think that opinions are shared among each other

during work hours, but I think that the majority have a common opinion. So there is no political dispute or political closure. Everyone is waiting for the election.

I don't have any fear, by the way. You just said that I have a fear that there is a very strong political leadership in several areas of the state, that if I say this and my boss or my superior knows about it, then after the Tisza party was formed, did you also insist that everywhere in Russia, the people of the Soviet Union were being targeted,

or did you dare to take such private talks?

I don't think so. It is true for the current head of the command tries to control the possibilities of the military within the boundaries of the military through manual command through the command of the military. But I think many soldiers have already filled their glasses so much that they would

obviously take it. Especially if the majority wants to love the same.

Before we talk about the situation, in more detail, a lot of information has been released about the Home Minister. Can you say anything good about his four years? He said that this administration was close to the right place, but it was not.

I can't say anything about the decisions he made professionally. That's a serious assumption. That's a serious assumption. And I would like to add that I don't think that the history of the Hungarian Hungarian Civil Liberties Union or the history of the Hungarian Civil Liberties

Ministry was this bad. And I also accept that anyone who watches this video that my words win their credibility. Nowadays, almost everyone in almost everyone has a soldier in their family or a distant friend. Ask the soldier about what I said in this video.

And immediately, my words will win credibility.

So you are very confident that what you feel and what you see is a majority point.

Absolutely.

There is a four-year war situation in Hungary. What kind of extra tasks does this give the soldiers?

The fact that there is a danger situation, is a task-oriented leadership, which means that there is no work time. The soldiers go home then, then the task is over. It's a job-oriented leadership, which means there's no work time. The soldiers go home, and then the job is done. Which is, let's admit, an absolutely unplanned life, really.

The soldiers would like a family, they would like children, they would like to be at home with their children while they grow up. And it's absolutely unplanned. So the soldier in our family can't be counted as a father or a mother. And I agree with this to some extent, because he took this service, he took this job, if he is constantly prepared for the sake of defending his home.

But what does the other side get in return? So if we go to the countryside, to the mountains, or maybe not the countryside, I would say that lower-ranking soldiers earn how much money? For example, let's say the lowest rank,

300,000 forints net. And then it's in this that my life is unpredictable, I can't stay at home with my family, I spend at least a week a week in a practice room twice a month, where I stand and stand. By the way, I'm so happy that I get a kilo of white bread

and two cans in the winter. We are too busy with this in NATO. I can't put together a professional equipment kit, which I can use in basic combat situations, which means that I put the bag of bread in my backpack, which the enemy will probably die from 100 meters at night,

or I take a piece of art with me. These are basic combat equipment that can protect my life, if it exists. So I can approach something in a secret way, so that the protective cold-experience bag does not rust. But I don't have to go any further. Soldiers are happy to get a uniform that doesn't tear. It protects their lives. It's of a combat quality.

We don't have that. Sometimes we sit in the office and it tears.

I know I'm going back and forth, but this sounds so extreme in the case of soldiers, that I'm just trying to understand how it is possible that there are such basic problems and that it didn't get any higher or didn't reach a level within the ministry that they say, okay, then we can change this. And when the soldiers... Maybe we took a lot of money from them, but at least the equipment, equipment, etc. should be in order.

I think that when the military development or military reform was designed strategically, we actually started to build from the top. The minister said that I will give them a military identity, saying that they were the Hussars, which is a kind of a trick to find a period in Hungarian history and then he will tell them that they are from today, he will name our forms.

So it's really fascinating. He really tried to give us a picture from the outside, instead of dealing with the hidden problems at the roots of the system, and would have built a base. And then, like a building, he would have put a military identity crown on it. So I was convinced that there conditions are necessary for service performance. And now I'm not going into what kind of equipment the soldier has, what kind of uniform, infrastructure.

We didn't develop and we didn't build up the apartments. One of the problems is that the posters were useful until we packedoted the young man's apartment, but we couldn't keep him. Because from then on he sees reality. And on the posters of the looting campaign he sees that the oldest weapon, the oldest weapon, the oldest bottles,

the oldest surroundings, but this is not reality. There is a channel in the corridors, there are pen-like showers, guesthouses, so there are circumstances where the young man turns around and goes to a shopping mall, where he earns twice as much, sees his family, goes home at 4,

his life is absolutely planned and clean working conditions await him.

This was a big event, that they are applying for a campaign to be shot, and then a few weeks or months later they are disarmed or the right to fire is abolished?

Absolutely, yes. Because you have to see that there is a three-month trial period, the soldier can be disarmed during that. You can say, thank you, I don't ask for this. Because if the trial period is actually three months, then the rules of the danger situation are clear.

So he won't be able to leave the military until the danger situation is up. But now, at the beginning, the problem was that they left, and we could see that also very visible campaign, this man, the 1-2-3 on the iron,

where the crowd was really paid a fixed salary. And no one has ever generated such a higher wage. This must be understood as we recruited young people between the ages of 18 and 25, for a gross of 737,000 forints, so they rescuers will be there as well. What really happened? We took them to this unit after a 5-week basic training, they searched for a brutal 737,000, twice as much as a soldier

who has been doing the same thing for 20 years in the same unit. And imagine, this is the reality.

And what was the judgment of the military?

Huge resistance, huge tension among the soldiers. No one has ever done this. Imagine how it looks in civilian life. There is a civilian multi, we hire a trainee, after 5 weeks he looks twice as much as the deputy commander who has been working there for 20 years. And the deputy commander the right to say, thank you, I'm leaving, I'm leaving this company.

But he can't do it in the home defense, because it's a dangerous situation, so he has to leave.

And then there are situations where people with such a different status or backgrounds, and with different jobs, but still have to work together, or serve in the same apartment, or they have somehow work together or do they serve in the same unit?

Or were they chosen from each other?

Well, they were chosen by training. Obviously, the state-related officers have a difficult task, to handle this burden of payment within the state. But I think that the soldiers were not the state that was involved in the mistake, who got this money got the higher salary,

but the minister, because it was his decision. I wanted to go back to the length of the working hours. How does it look like, in practice, when a working day starts, and you don't know how long it will last, and then you start in the afternoon, and you have to stay in until 8, or does it look like that? How long will this last? And then, after noon, do you have to stay in for 8 hours?

Or do you just leave? I gave an order. It's possible that we get a task in the morning, we finish it, maybe at 3 pm, and then another task comes in,

which has to be done, which can be done from 8 to 10 pm,

I gave an order, and I'm leaving.

But what tasks could these be? It could be that there are three hours in the afternoon and a task order comes in, and at 5 o'clock in the afternoon, based on the minister's order, we will protect critical infrastructure. And that day we don't go home from work,

we go and then we aim around the atomic bomb.

What was the judgment of this concrete measure?

It's very difficult to judge. I think there are questions in the soldiers' heads. Because in reality, we have to defend an energetic, critical infrastructure. But who? Who is the enemy? The soldier is in the government, there is an enemy. Who? And then the soldier asks, okay, but what is our enemy? Are the Russians coming? Are the Ukrainians coming?

Or who?

Because, of course, if we have an enemy, we are prepared to see how that nation fights, what are the military techniques that we need to use to win the competition, or what we have to fight against. The soldiers don't know what the enemy is.

Which, if we look at it and say, let's tell the government to protect the critical energy infrastructure against the Ukrainians, that's also a strange thing for us, because the Ukrainians got up in the morning and decided that the last citizen of the state would be destroyed. Because we are NATO. You don't attack Hungary now, not attacking the NATO member states.

Tomorrow we will destroy the whole country. We don't understand why the Ukrainians are making such decisions. So if I understand you correctly, you don't see the reality of any military conflict with Ukraine? I don't think Ukraine would pull with NATO again, where it is trying to set up its defense, that NATO membership and the European membership, why would it attack a NATO member state? Absolutely.

And was there anything for that? At the political level, the enemy and Ukraine are almost like war enemies. Do you have scenarios or any preparation for what will happen if Ukraine attacks Hungary?

Obviously, every country has its own defense plans for different scenarios. I wouldn't go into details about these. I think every nation has its own action plan. What happens if A happens, what happens if B happens. In general, I think that if we take Ukraine as a base, a lot of things are happening in the media about it, the government is sending a lot of messages, there are several points of view.

And now we are also going back to the critical infrastructure, how we got there, how our soldiers are there. Right? Friendship, Köln leaders were injured, which, by the way, the Russians attacked. This was a simulated analysis, which, by the way, the Minister and the team did. This is a BDA, a Battle Assessment, this is a way of analysing, it is part of the IMMINT. In reality, this was not a professional analysis.

If a rocket is hit by a nuclear-powered complex, and the oil is transported underground, based on the operational picture, it is 100% certain that it is not a professional weapon. It is not possible that it was not damaged during a military operation against a prime minister. We do not know if it was damaged.

And by the way, such a complex has an electronic network, a control center. Many elements can be damaged, which basically makes it impossible to operate. The fact that it is not shown where the image of the military is from, is another interesting thing. We don't have a military, and this wasn't a NATO military, I'll help you with that.

The fact that there is in the air, in political communication, that Hungary appears as an enemy of Ukraine, in the conversations between the soldiers, is it a serious issue? Or are you kidding me that we will be at war with Ukraine? What is the meaning of this?

The government's communication with Ukraine is a joke. We are already making fun of this at work. You simply cannot take this kind of Ukrainian enemy seriously. What the public consciousness is trying to communicate to all citizens of the state. Let's see what the government and all citizens. And if we look at what was the real meaning, from a military point of view,

of the Russian oil and gas emissions, then we can see that if there is a war, we can maintain it until our military logistics work. And military logistics need money, really, money. So for a war...

The very smart military strategists always thought that the enemy should stop military logistics and money. And in fact, this was the goal of the EU sanctions. To stop the money supply, so that Russia could not sustain this kind of war in Russia for a long time. Now, if we look at the fact that, I think, the foreign minister Sviartók said that our purchase is 0.2% of the Russian GDP. I don't know exactly what 6.7 trillion dollars is the annual GDP,

but from this 0.2% you can buy a lot of tanks. I can't tell you exactly how much, but in reality, if not directly, but indirectly, we are adding to the fact that with our money, they can buy different war and keep up with this war.

Since the Russian-Ukrainian war broke out in our neighbor, the government has been communicating in pictures. How do you feel about the fact that you are a soldier, and that there is a constant war, a threat of a direct war, in Hungarian public discourse, by the government?

How does this correlate with reality? What is the most difficult for me is the government's choice of side. It puts Ukraine as an enemy, and in this military conflict, it puts me as a victim. Because Russia attacked Ukraine. This is public knowledge. What makes it difficult and raises questions in me is why we weaken our role within NATO because of this position. And why our trust relations are weakening.

I took part in several NATO exercises since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, where other NATO member states, specifically our soldiers, asked us, Hungarian soldiers, why we are weakening our role in NATO. I took part in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict since the explosion, where other NATO member states, specifically the soldiers, asked us, Hungarian soldiers, that, by the way, are you with the Russians? Although it seems so in your communications.

So tell us, because we would like to know. And what was that like? Bad, absolutely. Very. But... This was very bad to hear. Because I really don't understand why we don't want to be part of the world's strongest military alliance.

And why can't we reach the same point of standing? I don't see the real reason behind it.

And do you think there is a concrete, and obviously, which can be said in a public interview, loss of confidence or any consequence of the fact that the Hungarian soldiers have a picture like this in the minds of NATO allies?

Absolutely. Absolutely. I was in the intelligence unit outside. After the outbreak of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict, we could not sit in more seats where the Ukrainian-Russian conflict was specifically discussed. In the intelligence unit, the Americans did not let us sit in that NATO seat.

But these are later made public, that there was a NATO meeting here, and we can't get in. But does this become public later? That there was a NATO meeting here, but how much can we find out about these in the past years? Or are these reliable information that we should look for on the NATO website?

Absolutely. These cannot be found. Obviously, we reported this this to the Hungarian government, that we simply couldn't get in, we don't have information, they don't trust us.

It always sounds like this in the Hungarian public, that on the one hand, there is this information, that we are not good NATO allies, but then when someone, even the Home Defense Minister, speaks at the highest level of politics, he always says that we are absolutely stable members of NATO, but when someone, even the Home Minister, speaks up, he always says that we are absolutely stable members of NATO,

and there is no reason why we should not want to be part of this alliance. And in this case, as a journalist or as a Hungarian citizen, there is a reassuring voice that says that there is something going on at the level of communication, but in reality, it has no negative consequences in Hungary. But if I understand you, then there is.

What I'm talking about is not the leadership of NATO. Where I served, I was absolutely a NATO member, but obviously not the NATO leadership. I think the NATO leadership is not a political issue, not a political issue,

not a political issue, not a political issue, but a political issue between nations. But in my final level, meeting with other nations' final state, this issue was absolutely obvious.

And at this time, did you know or did you report to your superiors that there is such a problem here and that it might be good to have some solution?

Of course, by the way, but in fact, I think it was the duty of every soldier to always prepare a report about what we experienced in the line of other nations, what our judgment was. I think the different reports are constantly coming to the leadership.

So they have to know exactly.

Yes, they know exactly. It doesn't seem like they want to start anything with this or improve our judgment within NATO.

Your professional background also indicated that you graduated from the British Royal Academy, which is considered to be the best military academy in the world. where Winston Churchill, Wilmots and Harry Herzeg studied. Is this academic academy really as good as it is famous? Or is there any kind of propaganda towards the public?

I don't think it's propaganda at all. I think that in 2019, when I started the academy, I got the right level of military expertise, world-class military knowledge from the academy. It was an extremely big challenge, both spiritually and physically. But I would add that in fact, they sent me here in 2019,

but this was preceded by a long selection process. So there were a lot of applicants for this, more than one. And this was a long mental and physical assessment. And this is how I got to the Academy in 2019.

Here, the hardness of the training, both mentally and physically, what did you do? Could you illustrate this with something, so that we can imagine it as viewers, as listeners,

what does that hardness means in practice. In fact, in the first phase, in the first five weeks, there was a kind of fortified military specialization, a kind of boot camp. I could talk a lot about this, by the way. I think the first and most important difficulty of the boot camp was the constant sleep. On average, we slept for 2-3 hours a day in the first week. And that was for 5 weeks.

And how much training did you have?

All day. We ran everywhere, we spent hours in the guardhouse. The main thing was not to feel comfortable. We really want this training, we really want to be soldiers. The British officers who started the academy there were not yet soldiers. I went as a soldier, so I already had a good preparation. It wasn't that challenging, or that difficult, because I had to deal with this military mentality.

I suffered anyway.

Did you have a moment when you were a bit confused, like, am I sure I want this? Because it's really hard to hear this,

even the first 5 weeks.

I think I didn't get into a state close to the task. I was very well prepared. So, compared to the British listeners, the fact that I had two years of military experience, was a huge advantage for me. You have to know that

the degree of importance the British Academy is so high that they rank in the same way as Cambridge and Oxford. I think that physically I was in the middle, but spiritually or intellectually I was at the very end. So they were so much smarter, obviously in their own language, I mean, they were so much smarter than me.

Obviously, in their own language, people are smarter. But I was trying to be at least intellectual.

Physically, the midfield, I'm not sure if it's visible to the audience, but you're almost a two-meter man. If I were to take quick look outside the camera, you wouldn't be able to see it.

In all my standing abilities, if I look at my strength, I have the best standing ability in the world, and also explosive strength. So, taking everything together, combining all my coordination and conditioning skills,

I was able to get to my coordination and conditioning skills. I was in the middle field, so I was a sportsman before, I trained 12 times a week.

What sport did you do?

I was a kayaker.

Well, that can be the basis of a person's...

Yes, I think I went there with good foundations.

In this academy, this St. Hurst Academy, in the Hungarian public, it became known when it turned out that the Minister's son, Orbán Gershper, was studying there. How long did you go there in one period?

If we look at it, the academy was in three phases. That's three times four months. I was already at the end of the first phase, when I got a phone call, more precisely, the then-head of the board called me several times, that an important political figure would arrive in the next phase after me.

He said that I should eat, drink, pee, and convince him to finish this academy, because if not, we will lose our job. At first I didn't know who he was talking about, then when I started the second phase, I met him again, he was a big shot, and he was a very nice person.

Who was the head of the leadership?

I don't want to name names.

When did that happen?

In 2019.

Obviously, whoever wants to to can put it together. You had a personal connection with the Minister's son. How close were you to him, his friends, colleagues, colleagues?

We were absolutely good partners under Centerstar. We were close to each other. We were very supportive. We helped each other. But there was a lot of pressure on the leadership side, which I didn't tell him to pressure me

to finish the academy.

How easy was it for him?

It was hard, but he graduated from the academy. He didn't get expelled because he was the son of the Prime Minister. Which I respect. Obviously, we talked a lot about him. After he was appointed to the head of the House of Representatives, he was assigned to the duties of the Hungarian Defence Forces. This was interesting for me because after the basic training,

we were sent to the academy. The Hungarian Defence Forces, or the Ministry of Defence, sent him to the academy. He did not have to go through the process of official election, only because he was the son of the Prime Minister, he had the right to send him to the world's most expensive and best academy.

How much did this break the morale of those young people who want to get into this training? This is an incredibly elite training, it's an elite training, it costs 30-40 million forints per person. By the way, it can be known that in the society this was a share that the Ministry paid. In the case of Orbán Gáspár, it can be known that he paid it.

I think the financing process was the same as in my country. The Ministry ofry paid him. This thing could have been demonized against the soldiers, obviously because it was absolutely unfair. Because in the military we strive to be equal. We strive to have the order system to be just,

we strive to maintain the hierarchy of command. So the order system and the fact that all the rules apply to everyone, I think this is the basis of a military. We have to see that he is a master of his own abilities, so he could not have been the son of the Prime Minister.

And did this cause any moral dilemma? I mean, you assume that he had to be aware of this.

Maybe he didn't know that back then, what was behind it. He didn't know the army that well. So, in fact, a basic education is a kind of initial military socialization. Because otherwise, you are away from reality,

or later, in the service, what do you expect? His first interaction was with the British army. He met the first commanders there, he developed the first military examples there. But you have to know that this is also a bad socialization process, because the British army has been ahead of us for 30 years.

In command, in military technology, in military success. And a picture was formed in it, based on the roots of the British,

which, by the way, was very far from the Hungarian reality, the Hungarian military reality. But do you think that he got there so quickly, compared to his training, was it his own intention? Did he think that after a few weeks of training, he would be studying at the British Royal Academy, or was it something else?

I think that the military leadership at the time wanted to get a good point from the Prime Minister. I thought a lot about this, if I were the Prime Minister and my son joined the army, I would take such a risk. Thank you for inviting my son,

I will do some good things for him. Or I would have somehow honoured this. But I wouldn't have accepted to be a minister. No, my son joined the army, and the same rules apply to him as to everyone else. Chief of Staff, Chief of Staff, done.

I wouldn't have been a partner for your work? Yes, I think we got a British world-class military knowledge, a pair of glasses, by the way, with which we could observe the condition of the Hungarian Defence Force at that time. There were things in which our opinion agreed, there were things in which it did not. During my time at the Academy, I talked to him a lot about what he experienced here at the Academy.

This is not the case, by the way, within the Hungarian Defence Force. This is not the reality. We are not that developed, our leaders are not that well trained, we are not on this level. He didn't believe me then. Later, when he was on his way home,

he believed me and he was proud of the Hungarian Home Defense.

Just one more clarifying question. In the way he finished this training, you also talked about how he was doing some serious physical and mental test, did he have any exceptions?

Was he a son of a minister or a simple soldier like anyone else?

Absolutely no exceptions were made towards him. He was treated like an average soldier.

Did you do the same? Yes, the same. And then we thought that you could work together, or was it common knowledge that you could move in what area together?

We started on a completely different path. I think our opinion was in many ways the same, that there is a need for systematic changes, I think that our opinion is in many ways that we need to change the system, we need absolute leadership and internal direction and internal thinking. Obviously, we need to develop the military, which affects the military technology and infrastructure. But following the St. Hearst period, we started to travel on two separate routes.

I was already preparing for my American education. He, on the other hand, just got into the Carmelite and got an office as a chief editor, and started planning his mission to Africa. Which was interesting for me because after we arrived home, I got information that the Humane Ministery was looking for an opportunity to be a part of an African mission.

And then I started to connect the lines, because at the British Academy Academy he talked a lot about that during his mission as a Christian volunteer, which he carried out in Africa, he found God there. And God really spoke to him from the sky, that come and save these African people, go and save the African Christians.

And somehow this narrative or this mistake in his head remained in me, and I think that he really started to design his own mission in this way, which is interesting,

because he never received a single head of state in his own office in the government. Never a single head of state. The pure state-of-the-art category is almost the lowest level of the head of state. So the fact that he is involved strategically in the planning process, at a higher or lower level,

he would not have had the chance, if it were not for his son, the Prime Minister.

Can this be proven by anything? On the one hand, that he got an office in the government, on the other hand, that he started planning the African mission.

The evidence is that at that time, regardless of his service, he still kept in touch with me. I knew very well where he went to work and what he was doing, because he told me about these different strategic, so-called military analysis, various problems he faced in relation to the fact that this mission is being carried out in Africa.

So it is a fact that there was a deception in his mind. I do not call it a deception, but it is a personal interest, which may be based on absolute faith. For me it was unacceptable that the Home Ministerial and the Military Command serve the will of the Prime Minister's son, no matter how stupid it is. Because we really don't have a national interest.

Our national interest is not belong to this mission. Professionally, financially and logistically, we are not prepared to end a war in Africa. We simply are not prepared. We have much stronger nations, as Bitschkei has already said, in Africa.

We had a conversation where he shared with me the details of his plan. He said that he would lose 50% of his military value during the mission. Which means that 50% of the Hungarian soldiers will die in the mission he led. That's what it means. 50% of the Hungarian soldiers will die in this mission.

You have referred to this as an African mission several times, but here you refer to the Chadi mission, so that the viewers can understand. Did you try to indicate your professional concerns in any way, referring to your personal relations? Or did you try to indicate with him in a personal way? Or did you try to communicate with him in a different way?

Absolutely.

Especially in a personal way. During the conversations between us, I tried to convince him with my military experience not to do this. And I went to him because I really knew that I could only stop this this process if I stopped him.

I don't want to go to the Home Ministerium, because if Orbán wants to save money, he will do it anyway.

I don't know how much he was a supporter of the deported. He wasn't. But did you feel that the values would reach him, or would he point them valued, but that there is a very strong point, or that the motivation of the whole thing was different.

I'll give you an example. When I brought up the 50% military value loss, what are you really talking about? I tried to put it on the basis of the lessons learned in St. Hearth, that in such a mission, in such a mission, if I know that 50% will die and my national interest is not served,

then I can not risk the life of a Hungarian soldier. You know that we learned this in St. George. The answer to this was that we will gain experience with blood to be an army with developed experience. we will gain experience with blood.

How much did the Ministry support this idea? In Chad, there are recordings on the side of the Sierra 2 Peter, there was Orban Gaspard in the capital of Chad. How much was this was in a progressive state? If we add up the calculation of how many people are affected by this, then I think the relevant party was aware of this. Which is a huge political risk beyond human tragedies.

Absolutely. I think that the reason why this is now wrong is that we are very close to the election, and the ministers will not take such a political risk. Perhaps the next cycle will continue with this mission if they remain in power. We do not know.

But for me, it is amazing that the current government's communication is that in Ukraine, or let's put it this way, we don't send Hungarian soldiers to die in a war. But if it's about the African mission of Prime Minister FIIA, we send Hungarian soldiers to die there.

And what was the judgment of this army? About this whole story of the Csád?

Those who work in the military leadership know very well that this is actually the private action of Orbán Gáspár. At lower levels, the soldiers obviously do not know this thing

and do not know the reason.

Professionally, they can look at it that they can't find anything else. The soldiers are not interested in the military, Obviously, the soldiers do not know this, and they do not know the reason. Professionally, they can see that we are not looking for anything else. The soldiers know very well that neither our equipment, nor our financial support, nor our logistics are ready for this. In fact, they have a big question, if we are not ready for this professionally,

from a professional point of view, why are we making it so?

It is important to stress on this point, I think that you said you were in good terms, you were good colleagues, that after what happened, any kind of breaking of the language, which is important to mention from the point of view of the viewer,

so there is something to be counted, or just the fact that you are telling these things in public, Is it important to call them out from the point of view of the audience? Is there something to count between you? Or is it just that you are telling these things in public? This is simply not a personal relationship with them.

I think that our professional dispute about the African role model was ultimately imposed on us by our friendship or friendship with our fellow problem. I decided to leave it. I don't have any feelings for him.

What do you think he will think if he sees you doing these things?

I hope he will evaluate me positively, as if he is thinking about himself and remembering the values that we acquired and learned at the British Military Academy. I trust him. He must trust me. When did you last any personal interaction? We talked a few words after my release.

Can you tell us about this?

It was very interesting, because I had announced several times that I would be released a year before my release. He had also announced several times that I would be discharged, and he had also announced several times that he would be discharged. I had actually submitted my resignation request, but he didn't understand it at all. I'm not saying this is a bad case,

but we had a negative image of the Hungarian human rights system. He had his reasons for leaving to leave, I had my reasons. For him, the critical point was that he was born a strongman. And this, so to speak, took him to a political level, where he has strong roots, and as my reputation started to weaken,

he became absolutely determined and absolutely evil.

Military leadership, or how much of a supporter of the Chadi mission was the Home Minister have for the Chadi mission?

I think that the leadership of the Home Ministry, and the minister, or the military leadership, the chief of staff, I think they are not necessarily happy that Orbán Gáspár is now a member of the Hungarian Home Defense. Not from many perspectives.

Because he was already moving in circles and levels where he actually posed a threat to them, to their integrity. Who knows what Orban Gaspeler will say at the Sunday lunch. Or, in the context of his own plans who will see this as a hindrance in terms of his own plans? Who said, he's hindering my plan?

When you were still close, how much did you see how Orbán Gaspár views the political direction and path represented by his father? How critical is he of it, or how much does he think of what is actually happening in Hungarian politics?

By the way, our discussion in this direction was not really about that. We didn't really go into it. I didn't really want to go into it either. When I made a statement, and when he made a statement about the problems of the Hungarian Home Security, or the management of the Home Security Ministry, we both tried to make the political and professional aspects of the Hungarian Home Security look like the national defence.

But he obviously made statements about what he thinks of the Chief of Staff, what he thinks of the Home Security Minister, both in a positive and negative sense. I don't know, by the way, how much he was able to make his family's relationship with the father could be so complicated. I didn't see what the family was saying at home, and what was the Prime Minister's reaction to this.

It's a bit easier to understand. We are now at the end of our conversation about the military movies and the Dragon and the end of the shooting of the military movies, and above the Dragon's Nest. We wrote on Telex that two military equipment had disappeared during the shooting, while making the movie above the Dragon's Nest. And there was a lot of discussion about

how serious these equipment were, and what happened next. What disappeared? how serious these devices were and what happened next. What is missing?

What is missing is actually two displays. These are devices that improve the visual abilities of the helmet. It is in the name, it provides us with the ability to see at night in the dark. These are sensitive military devices. And I would rather say sensitive military-technical devices. We store these in absolute armor in a thousand places.

Which, by the way, during the shooting, did not comply with the rules during the shooting.

By the way, it is interesting that Tamás Lajos, who was the producer of the film, said that these were such insignificant devices that even a hunter could get them, and that there was not even a blood test in this subject. Was it really so that there was no investigation about it. Was it really so that there was no investigation?

There are two parts to this statement. One is that you can't buy this in a hunting club. These are military-technical companies that have a bilateral contract with the army of the nations they are bound to, and this is how the acquisition happens. But we would be in big trouble if we were to buy the food at the butcher shop

and go to war with it, you can't buy binocular white phosphorus food for the bullet. The other thing is whether the Hungarian Defence has continued internal inspection or not. I hope the Hungarian Defence Force has been able to carry out an internal inspection. I hope that the Hungarian Defence Force has a closed circle of experts,

that they have a private producer. How would they know what kind of internal inspection the Hungarian Defence Force is conducting? If they knew, then our security regulations wouldn't work properly.

What is the value of these?

It's hard to estimate. 5-10 million forints per piece.

It is not a lamp that can be put on your head, because I can see in the tent that there is a mosquito repellent.

Yes.

It was also discovered that a Gidran fighter jet was damaged during the shooting. Can you tell us anything about the circumstances?

It's about the Gidran that was ordered for the shooting. It didn't happen in a given action scene or during the shooting. In fact, in the phase of preparation for the scene, it happened in the area next to the shooting location. But yes, the shooting target was on this railing. And yes, he was actually injured and became incapable of fighting.

He couldn't get his own leg on that railing.

So you were working as an expert on that shooting. You were a military expert in this field, and later you were also hired as a staff member. How did you survive that?

This is a question that is asked a lot by the whole team. If you let me, I'll start from the beginning. I was a military expert, which is a civil contract with the producer, the production. So I didn't act on a military order, because a soldier can't be ordered to take part in a movie shoot.

This is incompatible with the service regulations. Yes, and I also appeared as an actor, it has only one very simple reason for that. The directors thought that I was a complete loser, that I didn't need a double, or a weapon. I just needed to know a few words and I was ready to do a full-on action movie. I was able to improve the overall picture. In this respect, it was a profit for both the producer and the director,

to enrich the visual world, or to make the film a positive summary. And compared to the army series, I already got one main role in the Dragon's Nest, which was a huge leap compared to my army side role. But from a military professional point of view, you have to see that compared to the series of the army, I think that from a military support point of view,

it worked differently than the Dragon Ball movie. like the movie called The Wolf of the Wolves. It was also published in the media that there was no cooperation between the Hungarian Ministry of Home Affairs and the production. And there was no cooperation between the Hungarian Home Defense and the production. It should be noted that the extras in the film were real soldiers. They were ordered from a lower

unit and were forced to act as extras in the film. Apart from that, the heavy vehicles were also ordered, which means different military vehicles, different dry land and air vehicles.

But we can talk about the KC-390 cargo carrier, different war techniques, different dry land and air vehicles. But by the way, from the largest to the smallest, we can talk about the KC-390 cargo carrier, the H2-25 helicopter, the H118 helicopter, the Gidran fighter jet, the Lynx fighter jet, the Leopard fighter jet, so all the new techniques were present.

Which is an interesting thing, because if there is no cooperation between the ministry and the production, the chief of staff has nothing in his hands to legally order the military station and the military equipment to support this film. Because he, as a commander-in-chief, cannot give such an order to the soldiers. This is what the communication of the Home Video Ministry came to, that the soldiers took part in the filming on their own. Now I would like everyone to clarify this.

So, you didn't get up one hundredth of an hour in the morning,

went into the apartment and decided, Sir, I'm going to go shoot a movie now, I'm taking the card, I'm carrying a 390 cart, So these were not verbal orders? No, absolutely not. This is documented. That's right. So I assume that if you ask for a public interest data or anything, they would either give it or not, but it's just a public interest data. Who and for what purpose?

I think and believe, and this is my personal opinion, this is a major service violation. I assume this assumption. And I make this assumption because, actually, this is, from now on, there is no cooperation, but as the head of the command, I assign my military position,

my personal position, I assign my military technique, to support an absolute thing that is thing from the defense of the country, is the use of military equipment. Because that's what's really happening.

And then, if I understand correctly, this is the normal work-related situation, so, as in your case, there was a contract with the production, but the soldiers who were part of the statistics were not given any...

This is also a difficult question, because I assign the soldiers, and I'm talking from the perspective of the chief, I assign my soldiers to the shooting range shooting location with their weapons and military equipment. Then, at the shooting location, the soldiers signed a contract with the producer Tamás Lajos for 10,000 forints a day to take part in the film. I ordered my soldiers, who by the military-technical equipment all day, so their service quality couldn't be cut,

because they were responsible for the equipment and they were in charge of them. On the other hand, because they had the weapon, which was a real machine gun. And in the meantime, they signed a contract with a civilian producer, and so to speak, from then on, who is in charge? The boss, the producer, or the chief executive who appointed me for this job? Do I see a military job? Because I was appointed as a military job, but I had to get paid.

So I'm a soldier, so a lot of things brought up in this question. And did any of these things happen in the SZE? I think not. There was no refusal to the soldiers, which caused problems for them. Communication-wise, there was a good cooperation between both civilians and soldiers. And from an expert point of view, you didn't get on the staff list,

but what did you see, even after the production was finished?

In fact, the main story was the Kabul rescue operation. We called it the Kutalán-Sámán-Pajs operation, this in my homeland. We communicated this in a way, and it is also the case that this was the most successful rescue operation of the Hungarian state and the Hungarian homeland. But I still had a bad feeling. Because we really couldn't approach the whole reality.

Because I always say that the ultimate state is the hero. But there was a state of a hero commander. Who was the hero commander in this story, in reality? Romulus of Russia. He was the one who designed and ultimately carried out this art. But he couldn't say his name, because then he was considered a

very well-respected, revered man. But actually, sorry, I'm mumbling, because then it was almost certain that this man was a member of the Veszprem. But in reality, excuse me, gentlemen, if we mention the heroic orders, then Huszlincz Fendi Romuls and Sándor Tamás. And we did not get out of this at all. And this, as a soldier, for me, was a huge statement. It was really a pain that we couldn't tell the whole truth. We set up two commanders in my place,

who were the ones who were responsible for it, but they weren't.

Why did you change your position in this production?

Actually, it's not said, but I gave in the responsibility. And actually, from the beginning, that Tamás Lajos and Krzysztof Szalék-Bobronnyczk became good friends, I left. How did they explain this? We had already planned a few weeks ago what we would communicate, what I would communicate as a military expert. Then the promotion of the film started, and I didn't take part in the promotion,

and I wasn't invited to the award ceremony. The fact that I wasn't invited to the award ceremony hurts. That's not good. I spent a lot of time with this film, to make it happen. From the shooting, to the construction of the military logistics,

to the shooting of the first and last day, I didn't feel like I was taking a step away from the Homemade Enemy Ministry. But as I said, from 2023 onwards, there was no full-time responsibility, and there was he.

What did the actors say about the whole thing?

They were surprised. Almost all of them called me and expressed their feelings. They didn't agree with me at all.

We started the interview with the question what happened to you after the interview or what kind of retort you can expect and you said that it depends on what you hear now, more than an hour and a half, almost two hours later,

what do you see, what happened to you after this interview? What do you think about this?

I'm sure it's a matter of discipline. I don't know what kind of discipline I'm subjecting myself to. I don't know what they will terminate my service. and that you are making a very serious commitment to the defense of the country and the home. How did you deal with the fact that your employment and your service life are disappearing?

How difficult is this situation for you?

I think that... that a Minister of Energy and Monetary Security has, in the past four years, accomplished the task of being a military officer. Because in reality, in this form, not only me, but other soldiers also serve. And this makes it a little easier for me to get rid of what I really love.

If you succeed in getting rid of it, do you have a need for national wealth recovery, I would like to join the accepting tactical group.

Is this humor? There is truth in it too.

Pálinkás Silvester, thank you very much for being here and participating in this conversation.

Thank you for the invitation. You can support me by buying a copy of this book. Link in the description. If you like my work, please support me by buying a copy of this book. Link in the description. If you like my work, please support me by buying a copy of this book. Link in the description.

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